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Select U.S. and Canadian areas of large Italian-American voting blocs
Select U.S. and Canadian areas of large Italian-American voting blocs

Kristen Filice

Select U.S. and Canadian areas of large Italian-American voting blocs

Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi resigned Jan. 24 following a vote of no confidence in the Italian Senate. Upon the disbanding of Prodi's coalition "Udeur" (the Democratic Union for Europe), following charges of fraud, corruption and extortion, Prodi was faced with a vote of 156-161-stripping him of his majority support. This signified the end of his center-left regime after just 21 months of his elected five-year term.

Prodi's resignation is consistent with the growing disenchantment among the Italian people with their government, following a series of equally corrupt and self-serving leaders. This is certainly not the first time governmental reform has been spurred by the public via the removal of top officials from power. In fact, prior to this year, Prodi had survived no less than 30 votes of no confidence in the Senate during his brief time in office. With Prodi's government came hope for an alternative to the hugely unpopular right-wing government of twice-former Prime Minister-and richest man in Italy-Silvio Berlusconi.

In reality, Prodi's coalition effectively pursued policies designed to enrich Italy's financial oligarchy while tying foreign policy securely with that of the United States-a highly contentious move. Despite vehement opposition, Prodi backed Italy's participation in the U.S.-led occupation of Afghanistan as well as the expansion of a U.S. military base in northern Italy. His reforms included the destruction of pensions, privatization of public enterprises while imposing austerity budgets and a failure to annul a series of Berlusconi's laws aimed to protect corrupt business interests. It was only a matter of time before the disillusioned population would again throw out another disappointing leader and his respective corrupt regime, but the question is: Where can Italy hope to go from here?

With yet another government out of power, Italian President (fulfilling his role of head-of-state and setting himself apart from the main political squabbles) Giorgio Napolitano was faced with a crucial decision. One option for the struggling country was to create an interim government to conduct business until proper electoral reforms could be made. Many argued such reforms were necessary to increase the influence of the country's larger political parties and establish greater stability. The other option was for elections to be moved up 39 months and conducted immediately, appointing an entirely new government.

After efforts to form an interim government failed, Berlusconi and his closest partner Franco Fini-leader of the Post-Fascist National Alliance-demanded new elections, threatening a mobilization of their supporters on Rome. President Napolitano dissolved the two chambers of the Italian legislature, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, Feb. 6. He then acquiesced to Berlusconi's persistent demands, scheduling elections for April 13 to 14. The situation became increasingly intense as gangs of right-wing extremists began marching through Rome waving flags and shouting fascist slogans, while the Communist Refoundation party continued to support inconsistent platforms, at a loss having backed Prodi to the very end.

Despite his estimated $12 billion worth, flashy appearances, open mafia connections and virtual media monopoly, Berlusconi found a close rival in the center-left. Walter Veltroni, popular two-time Governor of Rome and former Communist, has competitively entered the race. Fostering an open and strong adoration for American culture, Veltroni is the leader of the new Democratic Party (created in November of 2007) having modeled his campaign after that of Sen. Barack Obama (D-Ill.) in the United States. Having been acquaintances since 2005, Veltroni wrote the preface for Obama's autobiography and has even copied the well-known slogan, "Yes we can," which translates to "si puà fare" for his campaign. Diverging greatly from elections in the past, Veltroni has decided to run alone and not with a traditional coalition of smaller parties which have arguably perpetuated Italian governmental instability. This isn't the only contested custom Veltroni is speaking out against. "Italy is standing still because this is a country of vetoes," he said in a recent speech, "decisions are never taken seriously and no one is held accountable ... we need a democracy that makes decisions."

Nervous about Veltroni's election strategies, Berlusconi has re-named his own Forza Italia "People of Liberty," backed by avowed fascists of the far-right party (La Destra) such as Alessandra Mussolini, granddaughter of the infamous Italian dictator. The Left has also created another party, known as "La Sinistra Arcobaleno," (Left Rainbow), led by former Rifondazione leader and outgoing president of the Chamber of Deputies Fausto Bertinotti. The party consists of the Rifondazione Comunista (Communist Refoundation), the Partiti Comunisti Italiani (Communist Parties), Sinestra Democratica (Leftist Democrats) and the Greens. Though its purpose is to prevent the ever-increasing social opposition from becoming a strong independent political movement against the largest parties, it may prove detrimental to the campaign of Veltroni, despite its "loyal and not destructive" intentions to the contrary.

What does all this mean for the people of Italy as a whole? The population is deeply indignant and frustrated over the political maneuvers taking place in Rome. Feeling betrayed by the entire establishment, Italian citizens to a large extent cannot see a way out of the Italian system of entrenched privileges, lavish perks and an unprecedented amount of corruption in government while the standard of living for the average Italian citizen is decreasing. Public anger and disdain is rising for politicians on the left, center and right alike.

Another contentious aspect of the recent changes in Rome and the upcoming elections is the addition race of extra-territorial senators regionally representing Italian citizens living abroad. The loss of traditional customs and integrity in Italy has been largely attributed to influences from abroad, specifically in recent years with Prodi's consistent support for the United States' culture and imperialistic ambitions despite overwhelming public opposition. These recently added senators have in fact wielded much more power than previously imagined, often breaking up the infamous Italian senatorial deadlocks, effectively deciding Italian policy as the voice of Italians abroad. Italian citizens overseas are mailed a ballot from their Italian consulate, vote in local elections and are thus able to remain actively involved in the politics of their homeland.

Arguably the most influential of these senators "dall'estero" (from abroad) is the single individual representing Italian citizens who are permanent residents in North and Central America in the Parliament of the Italian Republic. Backed by two deputies, Senatore Renato Guerino Turano-American businessman and adviser to the Italian region of Calabria-faces large opposition in the senate due to the ever-increasing resistance to American influence. Having been given the opportunity to work for Turano's campaign this past spring break, as he happens to be my uncle, I made phone calls to various locations throughout North and Central America. I told Italians of his goals to bring an increased sense of pride and culture to Italians everywhere while representing their interests in terms of reform, restructuring, ending corruption and embodying their interests abroad.

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With just a little bit of reassurance and a solid plan to deal with social and economic issues, the Italian citizenry can be found to be optimistic and enthusiastic. The problem within the country is the fact that neither side of the political spectrum really proposes viable answers to the urgent social and financial issues that are only worsening by the day. Recent polls show that more than 30 percent of Italians are still largely undecided as to whom they will support in the upcoming elections, not because both parties have different, rivaling plans, but because both parties are saying the same thing in different words, laced with corruption and an almost certain promise of repeating history under the same leadership plagued by fraud and deceit.

These candidates claim to stand for profound, noble and ingeniously innovative reforms while essentially using the same rhetoric that's always been used and following the same plan as has always been followed. Only time will tell if Berlusconi, Veltroni or a nameless third candidate-who will likely replace the victor in a year-will actually be able to achieve the much-needed change in Italian society. For the people of Italy, it makes no difference in the current system which of the two large political camps wins the elections in April, as the impact on their daily lives will be essentially the same­-negligible. Disillusionment has led to apathy, and if the government fails, it'll be thrown out and replaced yet again.


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