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Putin's media consolidation continues to impact domestic politics

Jessie Lowry

Mikhail Gorbachev's emergence in 1985 and his introduction of glasnost (the Russian word for "openness") set the stage for the future of Russian media. As Russians watched the disintegration of the U.S.S.R. in 1991, the ideals of democracy triumphed over communism. Industries became privatized, press and speech were no longer inhibited by Soviet law and journalists began to dive into the media convergence pool. The media encountered oligarchic control during the President Boris Yeltsin era. However, it was the rise of President Vladimir Putin in 2000 that would drastically change the media industry. Eight years later and at the end of his presidential term, Putin's tight reins over the media enabled Dmitry Medvedev to become Russia's newly elected Kremlin protégée.

During Putin's presidency, the media transitioned from a privatized business into a nationalized industry. The former reforms under Gorbachev were ignored and the Kremlin molded the media to push its political agenda, alarming the international community. Putin immediately found himself as the instigator of the "media wars." The "media wars" involved Putin's struggle against the oligarchs, the formerly privatized media industries and the journalists.

His first battle in the "media wars" resulted in the elimination of friendly ties with the oligarchs. Immediately stepping into office, Putin began attacking oligarchs that did not offer political support. Boris Berezovsky and Vladimir Gusinksky are two internationalized examples illustrating Putin's initial punches to sever oligarchic relationships. Berezovsky, former ally of Yeltsin made his first millions as a "middleman" selling cars from state auto manufacturer, Autovaz. In 1996, Berezovsky led prominent Russian oligarchs to back Yeltin's reelection. Acquiring ownership of ORT TV channel, one of the state's largest and influential television stations, Berezovsky became a leading advocate of economic and political liberalization in Russia. As a result of his outspoken stance, Berezvosky became Putin's first target.

In 2000, Berezvosky fled to England in exile. Gusinsky, owner of NTV (a major private TV station) and top critic of Russian government met a different fate. In 2000, Putin arrested Gusinsky under the accusation of fraud and embezzlement. However, critics strongly argue that his detention was a move by Putin's administration to silence free speech. Gusinsky had openly backed Putin's rival, Grigory Yavlinsky during the presidential election. Ending oligarchic connections with the Kremlin allowed Putin to move forward towards media consolidation.

After silencing the elite, Putin began to nationalize the oligarch's previously owned media facets. Using state controlled industries, Putin bought privatized businesses. The Kremlin secured greater control over Russia's big national TV networks: Channel One, RTR and NTV. In January 2000, Putin signed a new law that subsidized newspapers across Russia by transferring control of government subsidies for regional newspapers. Accordingly, Putin had successfully eliminated oligarchic control and nationalized newspapers, television and radio stations. The media industry no longer enjoyed the short-lived breathing room initiated by Gorbachev and that had continued under Yeltsin.

The 2008 Russian presidential election reflects Putin's micromanagement control over the media and its effect on domestic politics. Two months prior to Medvedev's inauguration, Putin appointed Medvedev to oversee presidential State Council meetings. This strategic move allowed Medvedev to gain publicity through televised broadcasts and staged public events broadcasted on Kremlin-controlled television networks. His three opponents received far less media coverage, even after Medvedev declined to debate any one of them. Nevertheless, Medvedev reportedly earned 70 percent of the vote according to the Central Election Commission.

Since the collapse of the U.S.S.R. and Gorbachev's proposals of glasnost, Putin has reversed tactics to consolidate the media industry. By eliminating Yeltin's relationships with the oligarchs and nationalizing once-privatized businesses, Putin easily propped up Medvedev as his successor. Currently holding the title as prime minister, Putin remains in the limelight. Until Putin's policies and manipulative iron grip over the media is released, Russia's domestic politics will be shaped according to the Kremlin.


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